APN's daily news review from Israel

Sunday August 10, 2014

Quote of the day:

---

Today's Hebrew papers warned of a war of attrition with Hamas, shared the fears and frustrations of the Israelis living near Gaza and made headlines from the US President's interview in the New York Times, after the ceasefire ended without progress on negotiations and the rocket fire and air strikes resumed.

Rocket fire renewed Friday after Hamas said it would not extend the ceasefire because Israel had rejected most of Hamas' demands and that Israel was not negotiating seriously. However, Hamas said it had not shot the rockets. Israel responded with air strikes that killed a 10-year-old boy and four other Palestinians. The UN and US condemned the renewed rocket fire at Israel Friday. Hamas said it would be willing to continue to negotiate. Yedioth reported that Israel is "waiting for Hamas to climb down its tree" and that Israel and Egypt are showing a united front. Egypt was reportedly working on a new draft. One official close to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said Hamas should not demand an airport and seaport for Gaza. However, a spokesman for UNRWA said Israel's blockade on Gaza must end.
 
Maariv reported that there is "almost a consensus in the political establishment that "Hamas must be hit hard." Yedioth's military affairs reporter, Yossi Yehoshua, ridiculed IDF Chief of Staff for his "Poppies speech" a few days ago, in which he called on Israelis from the south to return to their homes because it was safe.
 
Meanwhile, all the papers reported that US President Barack Obama said that Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu was so popular and strong that he won't likely make difficult compromises necessary for peace and that Abbas was too weak to advance a peace deal. Haaretz also stressed that Obama said that question is not whether Israel will survive, but how it will survive,
 
Haaretz has an excellent review of live updats of Day 32 of Operation Protective Edge, without paywall.

---

Quick Hits:

---

Features:

New Israeli vision: where Palestinians are equal and not separate
It’s time for a new language and for bold initiatives, writes Israeli author Nir Baram: A political plan that integrates the immediate battle against racism with a vision for the future. (Haaretz+) 
Killing under the auspices of the UN: This is how UNRWA fuels the terrorism industry in Gaza
Under the nose of Israel, the UN brought $890 million in cash into Gaza since "Operation Cast Lead." Israel must stop this and announce that it won't let any more cash into Gaza that allows Hamas to pay for the transactions it prefers to hide.  (Eyal Ofer in Maariv Weekend)
The Gaza effect: In shaky economy, Arab businesses hit hardest
Relations between Jews and Arab in Israel have rarely been as strained as in the past month, during which the allegiance of Israeli Arabs has been called into question. (Haaretz+)

Commentary/Analysis: 

Israel must restore southern Israelis' trust (Haaretz Editorial) This is a task of no less national importance than fighting Hamas, aiding in the rebuilding of the Gaza Strip or reaching negotiated settlements.
Hamas: Heavy on the fire, light on the cease (Amos Harel, Haaretz+) Gaza paid a heavy price over the past month, and Hamas must produce an achievement that is great enough to justify the loss in life and property.
Despite ongoing rocket fire, Israel was right to leave Gaza (Nahum Barnea, Yedioth/Ynet) Southern residents' disappointment is understandable, but it's too early to point an accusing finger at Netanyahu, Ya'alon and Gantz. 
Confusion reigns in Cairo as sides remain far apart (Zvi Bar'el, Haaretz+) Egypt's president doesn't think Hamas and Israel will reach an agreement in coming days, while the Palestinians aren't even sure who's authorized to agree on their behalf.
Hamas had the final word in Gaza op (Shimon Shiffer, Yedioth/Ynet) Forget about demilitarizing Gaza and disarming Hamas. Things will remain unchanged – until the next round. 
Post-war: Netanyahu is loved by the public, but imprisoned by his coalition (Yossi Verter, Haaretz+) PM emerges from the Gaza war with a vast majority of Israelis satisfied with his conduct. A substantial threat to his government remains, however, in the form of Foreign Minister Lieberman.
 The international media's hypocrisy - the Hamas case (Yossi Levy, Yedioth/Ynet) Most of the international media have decided for you in advance that Israel is the bad guy in the story. It focuses on every Gaza casualty while ignoring civilian deaths in Syria, Iraq, Nigeria, Libya and Kenya.
A settler against the occupation (Amir Hetsroni, Haaretz+) Alongside Israel, Hamas and the Palestinian Authority there was one more crucial player in - and trigger for - the Gaza conflict: Israel’s West Bank settlements.
Egyptian ceasefire plan introduces PA control in Gaza (Ron Ben-Yishai, Ynet) Israel seems prepared to accept passage of goods, people between Gaza, West Bank; diplomats considering release of prisoners withheld during peace talks.
Gaza is driving Israel crazy (Yossi Sarid, Haaretz+) What more harm can we cause in the desperate encounter between the third generation after the Holocaust and the third generation of Nakba refugees?
Where were world's Jews during Gaza op? (Noah Klieger, Yedioth/Ynet) Only very small percentage of Paris and New York Jews turned out for pro-Israel rallies. It's hard to take pride in these numbers. 
Take a look at yourself, world media (Boaz Bismuth, Israel Hayom) The U.S. once again plans to bomb Iraq. How many investigative committees will be set up if any innocent civilians are killed?
Gaza Strip Bypass: The defeatism of the heads of state will cost us dearly in the end (Ben Caspit, Maariv) Deliberations in the cabinet, in the field - throughout all of Operation Protective Edge Netanyahu, Yaalon and Gantz  demonstrated an extremely passive approach. Do as little as possible. Take as little risk as possible. If possible, don't act. If in doubt, there's no  doubt. Let's go back home safely, and that's it. It's as if we got out of it at a small price, but as always, at the end we discover that it was the highest price. 
Go to Gaza, see for yourself (Gideon Levy, Haaretz+) In the absence of hatred, one can understand the Palestinians. Without it, even some of Hamas’ demands might sound reasonable and justified. 
Demilitarize Gaza, by force (Avi Dichter, Israel Hayom) The malignant tumor that is Hamas in Gaza must be removed -- either by an Egyptian diplomatic surgeon or an Israeli military one.
My home/Not my home: Not giving up on Israel (Jo-Ann Mort, Haaretz+) It’s harder now to love Israel. But this would be a foolish time to walk away, just when the values that drew me, and others like me, to Israel, are most at risk. 
Welcome to the UN's festival of hypocrisy (Attila Somfalvi, Yedioth/Ynet) In his accusations against Israel, Ban Ki-moon fired the opening shot in an international diplomatic war of attrition. 
The crossings will open, a seaport and airports won't (Yossi Melan, Maariv) There is a sign of the possibility that Hamas removed the issue of the opening of the Gaza seaport from the discussion. If this is true, there is a chance for a breakthrough in negotiations. Israel, for its part, will open the Erez and Kerem Shalom border crossings, but will do so under close supervision. 
US deterrence and Islamic terrorism (Yoram Ettinger, Israel Hayom) In the battle against ‎Islamic terrorism, the U.S. can rely on Israel, a uniquely reliable and effective battle-tested training ground for America's defense ‎forces and industries.
A question for Israel's army to answer (Amir Oren, Haaretz+) Why is the IDF canvassing the Israeli public for its views on Operation Protective Edge? Blame the army’s department of behavioral sciences for some questionable behavior. 
Egyptian ceasefire plan introduces PA control in Gaza (Ben-Dror Yemini, Yedioth/Ynet) Israel seems prepared to accept passage of goods, people between Gaza, West Bank; diplomats considering release of prisoners withheld during peace talks. 
Being a left-winger during the war (Michal Aharoni, Maariv) I believe there is no solution other than the division of the country and the evacuation of settlements. And I also believe that the fighting in Gaza was totally justified and that Hamas was not hit hard enough. No, I'm not confused. I'm just living the reality
Regional cooperation could be ray of hope for Israelis (Carlo Strenger, Haaretz+) Moderate Arab nations and Israel have a common enemy: radical Islam. Our politicians must finally take the Arab League’s 2002 peace initiative seriously and combat the threat together.
The disaster is within you (Dror Eydar, Israel Hayom) The Israeli stubbornness will ultimately save the West from itself.
Hamas a wounded animal in Gaza (Ron Ben-Yishai, Ynet) With Hamas' demands left unanswered in Cairo, the group was forced to launch a fresh round of rocket attacks in an attempt to save face, salvage a semblance of achievement. 
An insane alliance: Israel and Egypt against Gaza (Khaled Diab, Haaretz+) Despite its mediator role, Egypt is no impartial broker. It shares Israel’s view that Hamas can be crushed and suffocated into submission. Palestinians wonder how their ex-ally can leave Gaza to burn.

Interviews: 

Torn between state and people, one Arab Israeli feels strain of Gaza war
Raed Abu Raya is shocked by close friends' Facebook posts advocating killing all Gazans. (Haaretz+)

**Hamas, a little different 
After almost two months of (Israel) fighting Hamas, one of the world's leading experts on Palestinian politics, Prof. Menachem Klein, tries to get into the mind of the movement and to understand how to live with it. Even between rockets and calls for jihad he is able to find a more pragmatic movement than what its charter tells, as well as some sense in the madness.
(Interviewed by Ari Libskir in Calcalist, Yedioth/Ynet)

"When Hamas came to power its responsibilities expanded. Israel understood there was no choice and it had to make the Hamas more accepting of a kind of coexistence. Hamas also understood this and offered long-term 'hudnas' as an alternative to a permanent agreement," said Klein, describing what he identifies as the Hamas becoming more moderate. He mentions a series of public statements by Hamas officials, from Sheikh Yasin through Muhammad Abu Tir, Mahmoud Zahar and others, which indicate that Hamas is ready for a Palestinian state within the '67 borders, without a final agreement and without recognition of Israel [as having a right to a state here - OH], and based on agreements the Palestinian Authority reached with Israel.
"This is really not a monotonous movement and it is constantly reviewing the political process," says Klein.
Klein emphasizes the connection and sensitivity of Hamas to the local population. "Islamic Jihad only has a military agenda. The Fatah people in Ramallah lost contact with the general public. But the central figures of Hamas are committed to community work, they are involved in everyday life."
If Hamas is so attentive to the public, why do they use women and children as human shields? 
"Hamas did not want this war. The deterioration began with the kidnapping of three (yeshiva) teens by a squad of local Hebronites - the names of two or three of them were linked in the past to Hamas. The leadership in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank denied connection to the squad and claimed that it operated on its own. They did not condemn the kidnapping, but my assessment is that if Hamas were responsible, it would not have concealed it. Israel, on its part, hid the evidence it had early on that the hostages were killed - the recording of the call and the evidence from the car - and began a ten-day operation against Hamas in the Territories (West Bank)."
Klein argues that the real reason for "Operation Return the Brothers" was political:
"The goal was to crush the unity government of Hamas and Fatah, which caused Israel a problem. For years Israel has tried change he regime in Gaza through legal and economic means - the siege of Gaza. But now Israel stood in front of its nightmare scenario: Hamas would run in the elections scheduled for October, would enter the West Bank and end the siege through with the support of the West which was excited about the unity government. Israel wanted to go back to separating the West Bank from the Gaza Strip, separate Fatah from Hamas."
Klein goes on to say that Operation Return the Brothers was run against Hamas as if it were only a terrorist organization, but most of the detainees were social activists, religious leaders and the political echelon. "Instead of pushing for the politicization of the political leadership of Hamas and bring it closer to (Palestinian President Mahmoud) Abbas, Israel tried to do the opposite, distance them from each other," says Klein.
So how did we get into a general war which ignores all Hamas ceasefire and continue to shoot? 
"Hamas began responding with rocket fire from Gaza only after Israel bombed on July 7 Hamas militants in a tunnel. We will probably never know what was their purpose at the time. In response a classic escalation began, because neither party was able to properly read the other side. Hamas thought the tunnel activity would not be the last straw, but after (they were) attacked they felt their dignity was trampled on and they could not restrain themselves. This is how Operation Protective Edge began and even after that Israel still said, "I do not want to destroy the Hamas regime, just regiment it."
Klein regrets that the military campaign gave a boost to the military wing of Hamas, shortly after the political arm led to a reconciliation with Fatah. 
"Hamas entered the unity government without enthusiasm. It lost Egypt, parted from Syria, and Iran was busy. Even before the operation there was a financial crisis in the Gaza Strip, problems with electrical power and water, and sewage flowed in the streets. But we were not thinking politically. Instead of leveraging the kidnapping and spurring Hamas in a political direction, we strengthened its military wing, which in moments of confrontation gets a major role and glory: Hamas knows that Israel is stronger, and therefore, any hit is considered a victory. They do not talk about Israeli deaths, but about the closure of Ben-Gurion Airport. From their point of view they were not defeated. "Israel got weaker because it has no political goal and it refuses to see that Hamas has a political wing. Israel hopes that given the heavy damage (in Gaza), Hamas will sit quietly and we will regiment it. It's hard for me to believe that will work. An ethos of the tunnel fighters was created here that reminds me of the Arafat's RPG children in 1982 in Lebanon - a creative way to hit the enemy. "
So now what? Is there a chance that Israel and Hamas will find a non-violent way to negotiate? 
"Gaza's reconstruction is an international project with the participation of countries in Europe, the wealthy Arab states, the United States, the United Nations, Israel and Egypt, and the Palestinian unity government that includes Hamas. As part of the restoration, Israel will need, in my opinion, to lift the blockade on Gaza. The second stage is a comprehensive political solution. The same international system, led by the Americans, can put on the table the principles of a diplomatic agreement that will included the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Israel will negotiate with the PLO, while Hamas waits for a national referendum over the agreement. Hamas will accept such an agreement even if it has frogs that are hard to swallow. I do not suggest direct negotiations with Hamas, but I reject the policy of divide and rule and the segregation policy. It does not lead us to a better place."

Prepared for APN by Orly Halpern, independent freelance journalist based in Jerusalem.